Globalization and the Korean electronics industry

Abstract

Northeast Asia is notable for the relative absence of regional institutions. The Six Party Talks could constitute an embryonic starting point for the development of such institutions. The path toward greater institutionalization is likely to begin in a modest fashion. Functional working groups on topics such as the environment, maritime transport, technical barriers to trade, road and rail links, and energy could provide the locus for integrating North Korea into the broader regional and global economies. Foreign ministries will inevitably take the lead in developing the Northeast Asia Peace and Security Mechanism (NEAPSM), but meaningful economic achievements will require the involvement of other ministries. North Korea has proved problematic in this regard thus far. Moreover, given the importance of private-sector involvement in achieving sustainable economic development in North Korea, modalities will have to be developed to integrate private-sector actors when possible. The governments of the region, and particularly China and South Korea, may continue support on a bilateral basis as a hedge against North Korea's collapse or as inducements in the context of the nuclear talks. But the development of more permanent multilateral structures is unlikely until the nuclear issue is resolved.     

Japan’s ‘pro-nuclear civil society’: Power in the analysis of social capital and civil society

ABSTRACT

Civil society research can be categorized into a school in the tradition of Gramsci focusing on social movements and a Tocquevillean school focusing on associations and social capital. The author reviews both schools’ research on the Japanese case and analyses a number of pro-nuclear citizen groups built up by the Japanese nuclear industry. The author analyses their financial data and historical development to demonstrate that they have been built up as countermovement by the nuclear industry. The author traces their mobilization processes to criticize the social capital approach. In Japanese political science, traditionally a dense web of hierarchical associations and ties of obligation have been seen as enforcing clientelism and top-down political control. This makes Japan an interesting case for the social capital approach. Social capital researchers have reinterpreted hierarchical networks as indicators of a strong civil society. Taking into account Bourdieu’s notion of social capital challenges this view and supports arguments of state influence forwarded by parts of the Gramscian school.     

Variation in nuclear DNA concentrations during urination

This study examined the cellular origin and concentration of nuclear DNA in human urine. Ten subjects provided two entire, first-morning voids: one as a single specimen and one as a consecutive series of samples. The serial samples were centrifuged, organically extracted, and quantified by slot-blot analysis. Total DNA concentrations ranged from 0.02 to 21.3 ng/mL for the males and 25.0 to 96.9 ng/mL for the females. The female samples were found to contain numerous vaginal epithelial cells. DNA was detected in all of the serial samples of nine subjects; however, the DNA concentrations varied considerably. With six subjects, the DNA concentration of the first serial sample was at least three times greater than that of the entire void. DNA was only detected in the first 21% of the void from one male subject. The results of this study have implications for the collection of urine samples.     

中国的外交斡旋与朝核问题六方会谈--为什么外交解决朝核问题这么难?

中国适时的外交斡旋促成了朝核问题六方会谈机制.中国主导的外交斡旋创造性地发展了多边谈判的性质和内涵,并在兼顾短期与长远利益、原则性的核不扩散机制与现实的安全需求的基础上避免了冲突升级.从认知差异、斡旋目标和依托的资源对比看,六方会谈机制内的外交斡旋又是极富挑战性的难题.     

Identification of 2‐(ethylamino)‐1‐(4‐methylphenyl)‐1‐pentanone (4‐MEAP), a New “Legal High” Sold by an Internet Vendor as 4‐Methyl Pentedrone

Online vendors are offering a new legal high, 4‐methylpentedrone (4‐MPD). Information for potential users provided by internet vendors of 4‐MPD includes incorrect structures and nonexistent CAS numbers. A sample of 4‐MPD was obtained and analyzed using GC‐MS, NMR, and LC‐EIS. The fragmentation data from the GC‐MS and LC‐EIS produced an M‐1 ion that suggested the molecular mass was 219 amu, rather than 205 amu as calculated for 4‐methylpentedrone. The difference in molecular mass corresponded to the addition of a methyl group. Based on the mass and fragmentation pattern, two standards were synthesized, 2‐(ethylamino)‐1‐(4‐methylphenyl)‐1‐pentanone and 1‐(4‐methylphenyl)‐2‐(propylamino)‐1‐butanone. The synthesis involved bromination of the appropriate ketone followed by the reaction with ethylamine or propylamine. Based on the NMR data and unique fragmentation patterns produced by these molecules, the sample was identified as 2‐(ethylamino)‐1‐(4‐methylphenyl)‐1‐pentanone, not 4‐methylpentedrone.     

水牛卵母细胞去核方法的比较

水牛卵母细胞体外成熟22 h后,分别用盲吸法、点击法和纺锤体成像系统(Spindleview System)去核。结果,三者的去核率分别为65．1％、81．8％和95．0％,差异极显著(P< 0．01)。以水牛胎儿成纤维细胞为供体,通过核移植构建的重构胚的融合率、分裂率和囊胚发育率, 在上述3种方法之间均没有显著差异(P>0．05)。认为点击法是一种较为简单、实用和有效的去核方法。     

试论中国对国际法发展的新贡献

和谐世界理论，搁置争议、共同开发制度，解决朝核问题六方会谈是我国近年来对国际法发展的新贡献。和谐世界理论继承了国际法的基本原则和精神，巩固和发展了国际法的基本原则。搁置争议，共同开发制度已在许多相类似国际争端中被使用，具有了国际习惯的性质。“六方会谈”创造性地运用了和平解决国际争端的多种方式，为解决相似争端树立了典型。     

基于义务的合作：角色理论与中美东亚安全互动

共同利益常被视为国际安全合作的重要基础,但鉴于中美之间的利益冲突众多,有必要把强调义务而非利益的、基于角色的合作模式作为补充的合作路径。在国际安全关系中,相关国家所应承担的角色及义务有其客观性,基于角色的合作能够为相关议题以及行为体间的合作提供一个相对客观、中性的规范指南与解决方案。朝鲜半岛核问题、南沙岛礁主权争端是东亚安全的两大挑战,中美在这两大问题上的角色互补,是两国基于角色推进良性安全互动的切入点。但出于维护地区霸权的利益考虑以及地区制约机制的缺乏,美国在这两个问题上的角色错位和义务失范趋势越来越明显:美国在朝核问题上逃避自己当事方的责任,本是南沙岛礁主权争端问题的第三方却试图选边站,使得东亚安全局势更加复杂,中美冲突的可能性增加。为此,有必要彰显规则意识,强调相关国家特别是美国在东亚安全议题上的角色义务,最终促使美国角色回归并与中国开展良性安全互动。     

Weapons as political symbolism: the role of US tactical nuclear weapons in Europe

This study evaluates the role of tactical nuclear weapons (TNWs) for NATO today. Historically, TNWs fulfill five objectives. First, they provide a deterrent by denial capability. Second, TNWs serve to deter TNWs by other countries. Third, as the most ‘useable’ of nuclear weapons, they offer militaries solutions to a small target set of hardened targets. Fourth, they bridge the interface between nuclear and conventional forces, maintaining linkage up the ladder of escalation. Fifth, they serve as a powerful political symbol of an extended deterrent commitment. While the perception is that their utility for NATO in plausible European contingencies is low, we argue that there is variation in the political and military roles of TNWs. We submit that, in general, the first role has lost its significance but the other objectives remain relevant to NATO's present political circumstances, especially as a symbol of the transatlantic relationship and as a safeguard against Russian belligerence. Accordingly, TNWs remain a significant part of NATO's capabilities and should remain deployed in Europe.     

压力循环技术用于人指甲DNA提取及方法学评价

目的将压力循环技术（PCT）用于指甲DNA提取,并对方法学进行评价。方法收集10份人指甲样本,剪碎约为1mm×1mm大小,采用10%漂白粉水,10%SDS,10%漂白粉水,无菌水清洗样本。10份样本各分成两组,1组用压力循环技术处理,另1组不作处理,提取DNA经复合扩增并进行STR分型检测,用于评价压力循环技术的作用。取5份指甲样本用血浸泡,5份用去离子水浸泡,之后采用上述清洗方法各清洗1-3次,收集各次清洗用的无菌水提取DNA,经STR分型检测,用于评价清洗对去除外源性DNA的效果。结果 10份经压力循环技术处理的样本中有7例比相应未经处理样本DNA提取量更高,但两组进行统计学处理,差异不具有统计学意义（P〉0.05）;两组样本中提取DNA含量在0.026 ng以上的样本均得到完整的STR分型,与相应口腔拭子样本对照准确无误。血污染和非血污染样本清洗二次以上,均可避免外源性DNA的污染。结论使用压力循环技术并配合本文清洗方法,可有效提高人指甲DNA的提取效率,并避免外源性生物DNA的干扰,保证DNA分型结果的准确。